Saturday, 2 July 2011

Report: N.Y. Post fires writer amid leaks

The New York Post fired one of its crime writers following an internal investigation into a series of leaks from the newsroom, according to an Adweek story published Friday.

The leaks reportedly motivated the newspaper's editor-in-chief Col Allan to comb his newsroom in an effort to prevent his journalists from being sources for other publications, Adweek's Janon Fisher wrote.

On June 21, sources in the tabloid’s newsroom informed Adweek of the newsstand price increase from 50 cents to 75 cents. Adweek also released emails which indicated the paper’s top editor instructed reporters to compensate for the price hike with a bump in quality reporting.

“The editor has already said he will be looking for bylines to see who stepped it up and who didn't,” one memo read. Fisher reported that Allan was particularly irked about the leaked memos, another of which read: “The boss himself has put the order out that [the paper] will be even greater than usual.”

The Adweek report didn't include the reason for crime reporter John Doyle’s firing. Doyle’s last story appears to have been written on June 20, according to a Google News search — Adweek’s report on the paper’s price increase came a day later. An email sent to Doyle’s Post address was not immediately returned, though he declined comment to Adweek. A spokeswoman for the New York Post said the newspaper does not comment on personnel matters.

Fisher wrote both the story of Doyle’s firing and the article about the price increase, but it isn’t clear whether Doyle was one of the sources used in the subscription price increase story. Fisher did not immediately respond to an email from POLITICO.



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Adam Schiff Adam Smith Adrian Smith Al Franken

#AskObama at the First Ever Twitter @Townhall at the White House

The White House is all a-Twitter about an exciting event that's happening next week. On Wednesday, July 6th at 2pm ET, President Obama will answer your questions in the first ever Twitter Town Hall at the White House, and you're invited. Starting today, you can tweet your questions about jobs and the economy using the hashtag #AskObama and follow @townhall for the latest updates. Then, come back to watch the President respond to your questions in a live event moderated by Jack Dorsey, Twitter co-founder and Executive Chairman.

Today, we're also kicking off White House Tweetups (h/t NASA). For our first Tweetup, a portion of the town hall’s live audience will be drawn from people who follow @whitehouse and register online. We look forward to hosting future Tweetups that will give @whitehouse followers the opportunity to attend events, engage with Administration officials, and share their ideas with other @whitehouse followers. Visit WhiteHouse.gov/tweetup to sign up and learn more.

The White House uses Twitter to share breaking news, provide updates and engage with the people across the country. Join the 2.25 million @whitehouse followers, and be sure to check out our other official accounts:

read more

Source: http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2011/06/30/askobama-first-ever-twitter-townhall-white-house

Claire McCaskill Cliff Stearns Colleen Hanabusa Collin C. Peterson

The Fracas about Fracking

A major boom in domestic oil and gas production is under way, brought about by breakthrough refinements of a 1940s technology known as hydraulic fracturing, or “fracking.” 

Hydraulic fracturing involves pumping water, sand, and some trace chemicals under high pressure into a completed wellbore to create fissures in relatively impermeable geologic formations such as shale. The fissures allow oil or natural gas to flow into the well. The sand props the fissures open, preventing the resealing of pathways. Combined with horizontal drilling at depths of one to more than two miles below the earth’s surface, hydraulic fracturing has unlocked vast stores of natural gas. 

Fracking is also now widely used in vertical and horizontal drilling in oil reservoirs with low permeability. Conventional oil reservoirs with permeable geologic formations allow oil to flow to the wellbore as a result of natural pressure. But in many wells, as much as 75 percent of the oil and gas may be left in place. Fracking is one of several new ways to get at the ample resources remaining after natural pressure subsides. 

In these ways, human ingenuity, catalyzed by market dynamics, has foiled predictions of irreversible decline in domestic oil and natural-gas resources. Official estimates of the amount of recoverable oil and natural gas have soared. Last year, global natural-gas supplies rose 40 percent. From 2010 to 2011, the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) doubled its estimate of recoverable natural gas in the U.S. The EIA increased its estimate of Texas’s natural-gas reserves by 70 percent between 2005 and 2008, and Texas also is doing prolific fracking in oil: Producers now have access to 2 billion barrels in the Wolfberry formation in the Permian Basin. The Eagle Ford fields in South Texas increased oil production fourfold in the first ten months of 2010. And the Haynesville-Bossier fields, straddling Texas’s border with Louisiana, increased reserves of natural gas by 9.4 trillion cubic feet while increasing production twelvefold. 

The EIA also believes that natural gas in the Marcellus formation of New York, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia contains more BTUs of energy than do the oil reserves of Saudi Arabia. Drilling is well under way in Pennsylvania, where 141,000 new jobs in the “gas patch” have been created in the last few years. New York has declined to accept its energy wealth and instead imposed a de facto moratorium on fracking, pending the completion of an environmental-impact statement — thus deferring the creation of hundreds of thousands of high-paying jobs. 

Enormous new oil production is opening up in the Bakken fields of the Williston Basin, covering the Dakotas and Montana. In 2008, the U.S. Geological Survey estimated that the Bakken contained up to 4 billion barrels of technically recoverable oil. Current estimates range as high as 24 billion barrels.

Oil production made possible by fracking is not now as prodigious as that of natural gas, but this could change, especially if the federal government allows oil-shale development in the Rocky Mountain West, where 70 percent of recoverable oil shale lies beneath federal land. Most of the currently surging oil and gas production is on private land, where federal permission is not required and state governments are supportive.

A rapid increase of domestic supplies of oil and gas at a time of painful gas prices; high-paying new jobs; expansion of thousands of businesses; increased federal, state, and local tax revenues: What’s not to like? And the lion’s share of the fracking boom has been in natural gas — the so-called bridge fuel to the green-energy economy that President Obama promotes at every turn.

A fierce anti-fracking movement is nonetheless growing. According to its most zealous critics, fracking may even kill you. They claim that the technology may transform the water from your faucet into fire, make your house explode, cause earthquakes, or poison you with toxic chemicals. Just watch the Oscar-nominated documentary film Gasland, shown on HBO and sure to join the canon of sensationalist environmental documentaries of which Al Gore’s An Inconvenient Truth is the classic.

Gasland is packed with major errors, half-truths, distortions, and exaggerations. The narrator explains that the fracking process “blasts a mixture of water and chemicals 8,000 feet into the ground. The fracking is like a mini-earthquake . . . [with] a mix of over 596 chemicals.” This is a serious mischaracterization. The hydraulic fracturing, in fact, creates small fissures with an average thickness of 1 millimeter — as a result not of blasts, but of carefully engineered electric pulses. 

As mentioned above, the fracking material is a mix of water, trace chemicals, and sand. Of the fracking fluid, over 99.5 percent is water and sand. Perhaps 0.5 percent is a mix, not of “596 chemicals” but of just a few, such as guar gum, an emulsifier commonly used in ice cream. And remember: These chemicals are diluted in millions of gallons of water. 

The list of environmental perils attributed to hydraulic fracturing is long: contamination of drinking water, wastewater pollution of rivers, groundwater depletion, air emissions of toxic pollutants and greenhouse gases, radiation, and even earthquakes. But, with the exception of groundwater depletion, no causal connection between hydraulic fracturing itself and any of these environmental problems has been demonstrated. Faulty well construction, breaches in cemented and heavy-steel-encased wellbores, and accidents could, of course, lead to adverse environmental impacts. But there is no evidence that fracking itself is inherently damaging. 

Highly audible critics of fracking have attributed all of the environmental risks noted above to natural-gas production in the Barnett shale area around Dallas–Fort Worth, now the most productive fracking effort in the country. Al Armendariz, the regional administrator of the EPA — an Obama appointee and an environmental activist — has amplified public alarm through his heavy-handed actions against a natural-gas company called Range Resources. Steven Lipsky, a Dallas landowner, complained of natural-gas (methane) contamination of his water wells to state authorities (who have primary regulatory jurisdiction on the matter) and to the nearby regional office of the EPA. State officials already were investigating, but the regional EPA opted to issue a rarely used emergency order of “imminent endangerment” against Range Resources, whose fracking wellbore was 4,000 feet below Lipsky’s wells. Most well water comes from groundwater no more than 1,000 feet below the surface. Migration of contaminants from an oil or gas well often over a mile deeper is practically impossible. The Society of Petroleum Engineers estimates that over the last 60 years, more than 1 million oil and gas wells in the U.S. have used hydraulic fracturing. During this time, it has never been connected to groundwater contamination. 

At a televised press conference, Armendariz claimed he had to act fast because two houses could explode at any moment. In fact, Lipsky and the owner of the other house had disconnected their drinking-water well from their houses, eliminating any potential that methane in the water might, under pressure in the water pipes, cause explosions in the houses.

Extensive testing proved that the natural gas produced by Range Resources had a different chemical signature than that of the natural gas in Lipsky’s wells, which came from a shallow formation immediately below them. Local water-well drillers and residents testified that there always had been noticeable natural gas in the wells. Texas authorities have fully exonerated Range Resources — but the EPA hasn’t. The company is challenging the EPA’s action in federal court but remains subject to fines of $16,500 per day. 

Worries about some other dangers are equally unfounded. Air emissions from drilling sites have been the most persistent public concern in the Barnett shale area. Studies by the Texas Department of Health and the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality have confirmed that the emissions do not exceed levels protective of human health, but this conclusion has not allayed public fears because one of the pollutants involved is benzene — a widely known carcinogen at certain levels and exposures. In fact, the monitored benzene levels attributed to natural-gas drilling in the Barnett shale are not harmful to human health, but, pressured by state legislators, the usually pragmatic state environmental regulators adopted a 1,000-page rule imposing onerous controls on the drilling sites that would be more appropriate for a large refinery. 

The one credible concern is the extremely high volume of water used in the fracking process. Quantities vary, but 2 million gallons per day appears to be an average use. Drawdown of aquifers used for drinking water occurred in the Haynesville shale area in Louisiana, but the problem was resolved by shifting to water sources not used for drinking. Methods are now under development to reduce freshwater use by recycling wastewater after treatment. 

The practice of fracking has also been put at risk by recent academic studies. Headlines claim that Duke University researchers “prove[d]” that hydraulic fracturing in Pennsylvania has contaminated domestic water wells with high levels of methane. Even the relatively cautious Wall Street Journal reported on May 10 that the study shows that fracking “appears to be allowing potentially explosive methane gas to seep into drinking-water wells.” Closer review shows that the study did not reach this conclusion at all. It found a correlation between proximity to drilling activity and higher levels of methane in water wells, but did not attribute this to subsurface migration of natural gas from hydraulic fractures. 

The study’s primary author, Rob Jackson, concluded that the methane in the water wells tested in the study was far more likely to have come from faulty construction of the natural-gas well than from hydraulic fracturing. A major weakness in the study was its lack of baseline data. What was the level of methane in the wells before hydraulic fracturing? The authors also acknowledged that methane is naturally present in almost every private well used for drinking water, livestock water, and irrigation in the region. Geologists point out that comparatively higher levels of methane are usually found in the soil and groundwater of areas with oil and natural-gas resources. 

In deciding on a policy on fracking, we should not wait for a congressionally mandated EPA report on the impacts of hydraulic fracturing on drinking water, due in 2012. A congressional hearing held in May revealed fatal flaws in what was supposed to be a definitive, vigorously peer-reviewed study. For one thing, it will be an inside job from the EPA; the study’s review panel excludes anyone with professional expertise in current industry practices or the technology of hydraulic fracturing. Under the current administration, industry experts, like highly credentialed professors of petroleum engineering, are assumed to be shills for greedy enterprises. 

The EPA study has some other serious defects. It will cherry-pick only four wells, out of hundreds of thousands, for full forensic analysis, and it has excluded representatives of state regulatory agencies — which have six decades of experience in regulating this practice, which began in 1948 — from its review panel. Nor do the researchers seem aware of the difference between, on one hand, models of the assumed effects of hydraulic fracturing and, on the other, physical measurements of the results of hundreds of actual fracking treatments. To learn the fundamentals of this issue, the EPA would have to bother to speak with experts on the technology.

The study seems designed to substantiate a predetermined conclusion: that hydraulic fracturing poses grave risks. Therefore the EPA must either assert regulatory control on all drilling using this technology, or issue a “temporary” moratorium — as in the aftermath of the 2010 Gulf spill — until further study is complete. If fracking is delayed or discontinued, massive resources will remain untapped, hundreds of thousands of jobs will not be created, and billions of dollars of potential federal, state, and local tax revenues will be lost.

Risk can be managed and reduced, but never eliminated. Over the last 30 years, the on-shore oil and gas industry has had a sound environmental record. The many risks — more uncertainties than palpable dangers — attributed to hydraulic fracturing have not occasioned serious environmental harms. But, in only a few years, fracking has allowed recovery of approximately 7 billion barrels of oil and 7 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Vast stores remain, and almost all new wells will need hydraulic fracturing. 

The U.S. has far more energy resources than any other country, yet no other country so limits and blocks access to its own energy supply. The opposition to fracking displays this unfortunate mentality.

— Kathleen Hartnett White is director of the Armstrong Center for Energy & the Environment at the Texas Public Policy Foundation. She previously served, for six years, as chairman of the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, the second-largest environmental regulatory agency in the world. This article originally appeared in the June 20, 2011, issue of National Review.

Source: http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/270893/fracas-about-fracking-kathleen-hartnett-white

Alan Nunnelee Alaska Albio Sires Alcee L. Hastings

The New Class War: Child poverty in U.S. nears 25 percent

empty playground
CBS News / 60 Minutes:
Unemployment improved a bit last month but it is still nearly nine percent and the trouble is job creation is so slow, it will be years before we get back the seven and a half million jobs lost in the Great Recession. American families have been falling out of the middle class in record numbers. The combination of lost jobs and millions of foreclosures means a lot of folks are homeless and hungry for the first time in their lives.

One of the consequences of the recession that you don't hear a lot about is the record number of children descending into poverty.

The government considers a family of four to be impoverished if they take in less than $22,000 a year. Based on that standard, and government projections of unemployment, it is estimated the poverty rate for kids in this country will soon hit 25 percent. Those children would be the largest American generation to be raised in hard times since the Great Depression.

In Seminole County, near Orlando, Fla., so many kids have lost their homes that school busses now stop at dozens of cheap motels where families crowd into rooms, living week to week.

But by all means, let's piss away the time talking about austerity for the poor and tax cuts for the rich. Let's have state and federal shutdowns while politicians insist that no, in this greatest recession since the Depression, we just aren't interested in creating jobs or continuing support for the poor. We're in a nationwide war against public workers and teachers, and a state-by-state rollback of family planning services?now that puts a fire in political pot-bellies, but jobs? It's not even being discussed.

You know something? This generation of kids is going to grow up hating the people who put them in poverty, and then kept them there. The government doesn't give a damn about them. The Republicans have a fit if anyone even tries to give a damn about them. Their own states certainly don't give a damn about them. You think Chris Christie, Scott Walker, or Rick Scott gives a damn about nearly 25 percent of American children now living in poverty? I sure haven't heard a peep out of them.

A whole generation marked by poverty. Poverty caused by wealthy bankers making crappy bets, but then prolonged excruciatingly by a nation of political leaders who literally could not possibly do less to get out of recession if they tried. Poverty that will have long-term effects on these children's future prospects, and in turn on the American economy that will rely on them.

Forget mere disapproval: I think anyone talking about austerity for these children's families, while simultaneously coddling the rich and the corporate, deserves to be tarred, feathered, and set adrift in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean. The more you hear the hard numbers of how bad this "jobless recovery" actually is for people, the more offensive it becomes.


Source: http://feeds.dailykos.com/~r/dailykos/index/~3/zWVg710t73k/-The-New-Class-War:-Child-poverty-in-US-nears-25-percent

Dianne Feinstein Dick Durbin District of Columbia Doc Hastings

Friday, 1 July 2011

Michigan strips many collective bargaining rights for teachers; recall effort intensifies

snyder-protest
May 21 protest against education cuts in Lansing, Michigan. Photo: Eclectablog.
Last night, the Michigan state legislature voted to strip many collective bargaining rights for teachers, sending the bill to Governor Rick Snyder:
The state House has sent to Gov. Rick Snyder for signing a four-bill package that dramatically changes teacher tenure laws in Michigan.

The action concurred with the Senate's approval a few hours earlier.

Not all lawmakers rejoiced.

Rep. Mark Meadows, D-East Lansing, called the tenure package a smokescreen for elimination of collective bargaining rights for teachers. One of the bills in fact prohibits a number of issues from bargaining related to evaluations teacher placements.

"This is about the elimination of collective bargaining for teachers, making it so meaningless that they no longer have the law behind them in negotiating with school boards for working conditions, the size of their classrooms, the number of teachers on site, the hours of operation," Meadows said.

They did it in the name of the children, of course:

Still, Rep Tim Melton, one of the few Democrats who voted for the change, said the bills are not about collective bargaining but about fixing a broken tenure system.

"This is about kids, not about adults," he said.(...)

?This is a very momentous day in the progress of education in the state of Michigan,? said Sen. Patrick J. Colbeck, R-Canton. ?This is a victory for the kids of Michigan.?

Ah yes?for the children! The same children who saw their education funding cut by this same legislature only two months earlier:

House Republicans approved a $13.8 billion education budget that slices a minimum of $430 per student in K-12 districts, reduces state aid to universities and community colleges by 15 percent.

The House, 57-53, with all Democrats opposed, approved the education budget that has been roundly criticized by school groups since Gov. Rick Snyder proposed it back in February.

The budget is $908 million less than the current year despite estimates the school aid fund, established in the Proposal A school finance changes, has a surplus of about $650 million. The budget uses some $900 million to support state aid for universities and community colleges.

Slashing funding for children must have been done in the name of the children, too.

The fightback in Michigan is intensifying against these attacks on workers and children. Daily Kos and The Committee to Recall Rick Snyder have so far signed up 4,000 volunteers to circulate petitions to recall Rick Snyder. Additionally, one of the best field consultants in the country has been hired to assist with the campaign, entirely because of small donations from nearly 1,500 Kossacks. An efficient, scalable structure is being put in place to guarantee that even if the first statewide recall effort comes up short, we will be able to quickly re-file the recall petition language and continue pushing forward from a stronger position.

In addition to the recall efforts against Snyder, many individual members of the Michigan state legislature are also facing recall. Among these, the most prominent is Jase Bolger, the Republican Speaker of the House. He's so scared of the efforts against him that he is legally harassing the constituent who filed the recall paperwork. Eclectablog has documented this harassment in the diaries here, here and here. It's a must read about extreme actions taken by a Republican lawmaker who is very, very scared of his own constituents.


Source: http://feeds.dailykos.com/~r/dailykos/index/~3/0BC564_kxbo/-Michigan-strips-many-collective-bargaining-rights-for-teachers;-recall-effort-intensifies

Frank Pallone Jr Frank R. Lautenberg Frank R. Wolf Fred Upton

Unmade in New York

As they enacted legislation redefining marriage to accommodate same-sex partnerships in late June, New York lawmakers may have been ignoring some basic facts:

Not providing formal governmental recognition of two people’s relationship doesn’t amount to denigrating them. Male-female and same-sex unions may have inherently different structures, norms, and social roles and purposes. Imposing marital norms on same-sex unions, where they make less sense, may well be unfair. There are good reasons to keep marriage separate, in law and culture, from other romantic arrangements.

Yet every one of these points had been made as recently as the day the bill passed. Not in National Review, but in the New York Times. Not by a traditional supporter of marriage, but by a liberal proponent of redefining it. Not by social conservatives—but by Katherine Franke, a lesbian left-winger who is director of the Center for Gender and Sexuality Law at Columbia Law School. In other words, these points are agreeable even to some who would trade the 2,300-year-old intellectual tradition originating with Plato and Aristotle for the 60-year-old liberationist ideology descended from Hefner and Kinsey.

Though they supported its passage, you see, Franke and her partner will not seek a marriage license under the new law. They fear that in practice it might force them to be legally married in order to hold on to shared employment benefits and social respectability. They want to keep their domestic partnership, which gives them “greater freedom” than “the one-size-fits-all rules of marriage”—the freedom to form relationships that “far exceed, and often improve on, the narrow, legal definition of marriage.”

Franke leaves out just how these relationships “far exceed” marriage, perhaps not trusting her readers to see them as improvements after all. But then the Times had already divulged the empirically supported “open secret” about how often partners in same-sex civil marriages expressly reject sexual exclusivity.

For years, we were told that same-sex marriage was necessary for meeting couples’ concrete needs. Then, that it could and should be used to make same-sex couples live by marital norms. More recently, that relationship recognition was necessary for equal personal dignity. Now Katherine Franke, on the day that same-sex marriage passes in New York, tells us that that was all wrong.

The latest canard is that the defeat of the conjugal conception of marriage is inevitable because there isn’t even an argument for it. But the core argument is simple, and pieces like Franke’s bolster it: As many liberals now concede and even embrace, redefining marriage leaves no principled reason—none at all—not to recognize relationships of every size and type. As normative features of marriage, permanence, exclusivity, and sexual complementarity are a package deal. The first two norms make sense—are intelligible as norms—only because of the link between marriage and procreation. The only question, increasingly, is whether the loss of these once-defining attributes of marriage is bad. For clearheaded and candid liberationists, it’s only just. (Think: Which argument for same-sex “marriage” wouldn’t easily extend to any relationship that someone, somewhere, finds most fulfilling? Non-discrimination among loving relationships? Non-stigmatization? It won’t hurt anyone else’s marriage?)

And so, when emboldened liberals use this victory to push their quasi-religious myth of Inevitable Historical Progress, we should recall that there was nothing inevitable about it. New York Republican senators could have tabled the bill and sent the issue to the people, without moral or political cost, and it would have been over. Liberals opposed a marriage referendum for exactly one reason: They would have lost, as they have in all 31 states that put the issue to a referendum. But in a year when Democratic minorities have been fleeing statehouses to block unfavorable votes, the New York senate’s Republican majority brought this upon itself, and for no apparent reason.

It certainly wasn’t for conservative reasons. New Yorkers were free to form whatever private relationships they wanted. There is nothing libertarian or neutral about state-imposed moral ratification of revisionist sexual ideology, especially when dissenting citizens and business owners will be forced to comply, token protections notwithstanding. (Not that strong statutory protections would avail in the long run. There are very few limits on how our society and government fight racism—and both the new marriage laws and the movement that favors them take the bigotry of the old laws as their premise.) And as the ideals of opposite-sex parenting and permanent monogamy further erode, leaving more children to grow up without both a mother and a father, social pathologies will only deepen, especially among the poor, creating ever greater need for state intervention.

Conservative New Yorkers should send a clear message to all four of the Republican state senators who caved—especially Mark Grisanti, who reneged on an explicit campaign commitment to support marriage and oppose its redefinition. The law he broke a promise in order to pass is a failure of moral and political sense, and a blow to the bedrock of civil society.

Source: http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/270754/unmade-new-york-editors

Ann Marie Buerkle Anna Eshoo Anthony D. Weiner Arizona

Beck: I 'hate' Republicans

Glenn Beck’s new Web TV venture, GBTV, put up preview videos late Wednesday that tease the Sept. 12 launch of his paid Internet show. Most of the footage deals with the notion of his venture being “five years ahead” of its time, the work being put in by GBTV’s creators and the risk he is taking by leaving Fox News.

But Beck also gives a 10-minute interview with Raj Nair, GBTV’s head correspondent, during which both speak about misconceptions surrounding Beck. At one point, Beck asks himself and Nair about what the average person thinks of his political leanings, and Nair agrees the perception is that he is a Republican.

Not so, says Beck.

“I hate them. I think they are as much of a problem as the other side,” Beck says, walking alongside Nair on the streets of New York. He then invokes George Washington, saying Washington warned of the danger in political parties.

“If you speak out in today’s world, you’re either a Republican or Democrat. How about just being real?” he later says.



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George Miller Georgia Gerry Connolly Glenn Thompson

Thursday, 30 June 2011

Gingrich opposes Afghan drawdown two weeks after calling for 'rapid'�pullout

Newt Gingrich
Follow the flip-flopping Newt
 
Newt Gingrich last night:
I think we are drifting to a very, very dangerous situation. None of the generals recommended the speed of the drawdown the president wants. We are beginning to lose in the region. ... And if you watch what is happening there?s a steady drift from the United States at a time when the president is signaling his desire to get out as fast as he can and potentially faster than the generals think is safe.

Newt Gingrich two weeks ago:

I think that we need to think fundamentally about reassessing our entire strategy in the region. I think that we should say to the generals we would like to figure out how to get out as rapid as possible with the safety of the troops involved. And we had better find new and very different strategies because this is too big a problem for us to deal with the American ground forces in direct combat.

I guess now it's clear why Newt Gingrich has had so many wives. At least to him, statements on foreign policy carry about as much weight as the words "I do."


Source: http://feeds.dailykos.com/~r/dailykos/index/~3/LCqUvVyq0Z0/-Gingrich-opposes-Afghan-drawdown-two-weeks-after-calling-for-rapid pullout

Eliot L. Engel Elton Gallegly Emanuel Cleaver Eni F. H. Faleomavaega

Bachmann as Republican Mother

Politics in the early days of our republic was much as it is today. It was often dirty and dishonest; it was a place for ambitious self-promotion. But whereas today some of our most electric politicians are women — Michele Bachmann, Sarah Palin, Nancy Pelosi — our infant nation’s rigid gender roles held little tolerance for women who might wish to sully themselves in the public arena. For women — the intelligent and ambitious especially — their sphere of political influence was understood to reside within the home.

Still, women helped sustain the new republic through their roles as wives and mothers, securing a new social order in which liberty and the public good were the objectives, by ensuring that their husbands adhered to and their children were raised with republican principles. Historian Linda Kerber, in her famous 1976 essay in The American Quarterly, described this female civic participation as “Republican Motherhood”:

The Republican Mother’s life was dedicated to the service of civic virtue; she educated her sons for it; she condemned and corrected her husband’s lapses from it. . . . The theorists [of the early republic] created a mother who had a political purpose and argued that her domestic behavior had a direct political function in the republic.

Traditional republican motherhood — in which women served on the sidelines as political and moral compasses for men — is clearly obsolete. Today, instead, we see a new kind of republican motherhood emerging. And in the year of the big-R Republican woman, Michele Bachmann just might be its matriarch.

The goals of modern republican mothers are broadly similar to those of the original ones: to foster a relationship between citizen and state in which the citizen is sovereign over government. But whereas the republican mother of our Founding era participated in politics only indirectly, the new republican mother plays a decidedly active role in our public life. Gender has been not overcome, but integrated.

Bachmann joined Congress only in 2007, but she quickly gained national recognition first as a firebrand and then as a darling of the Tea Party movement. Her decision to strike a path outside the party apparatus — giving her own response to President Obama’s State of the Union address, for instance — has prompted criticism. But she managed to leverage her standing with the Tea Party into an official leadership position by establishing the Tea Party Caucus in the House. And an unsuccessful run for chair of the House Republican Conference helped sharpen her name recognition and made clear her national aspirations.

Compared to other GOP candidates such as Governors Romney and Pawlenty, Bachmann does not have a substantial political résumé. And yet her experience, bolstered by her educational accomplishments, defines her departure from her 18th-century female forebears. Bachmann holds a J.D. from Oral Roberts University and an LL.M. in tax law from William & Mary School of Law, and she practiced law for five years for the IRS before choosing to be a full-time mother.

The republican motherhood of our Founding era was significant only in part because it gave women — to borrow a phrase from the Left — agency, or an opportunity to influence civic life. What was unique about republican motherhood — and fundamentally more important — was the set of ideals women helped advance. And this is where Bachmann can differentiate herself from her opponents — many of whom are unsteady at best on the principles of constitutionally limited government — and fashion herself the new republican mother.

At the time of the Founding, Republican motherhood was not simply an act of domesticity; it would not have been Republican motherhood without the principles it represented. When most citizens still expected the American experiment to fail, the ideals of republicanism — manifested in the Constitution — were the measure of the country’s success. And it was the mother who kept her husband and her sons focused on liberty and civic virtue.

On Monday, when Bachmann pledged her allegiance to “the Founding Fathers’ vision of a limited government that trusts in and perceives the unlimited potential of you, the American people,” she was clearly not seeking to steer the conscience only of her husband and her sons. Instead, she was attempting to focus the American public on those values and ideas central to our nation’s success.

What’s more, Bachmann — who has five children of her own, sheltered 23 foster children, and started a charter school — remains a viscerally maternal figure. But she has also, and without awkwardness, embarrassment, or gender anxiety, embraced the traditional role of the republican father.

Bachmann still needs to grapple with a number of potential liabilities, from startling statements — most recently, confusing the towns in Iowa where John Wayne and John Wayne Gacy had lived — to a social conservatism that worries voters of a libertarian stripe.

But it is clear that the traditionalism infused with classical liberalism that is peculiar to America has transcended in deep and important ways our modern gender wars. We are sure to see much more of the new republican mother in the years to come.

— Sabrina L. Schaeffer is a senior fellow with the Independent Women’s Forum and managing partner of Evolving Strategies.

Source: http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/270737/bachmann-republican-mother-sabrina-l-schaeffer

Glenn Thompson Grace Napolitano Greg Walden Gregg Harper

Obamacare?s ?Mystery Shoppers?

"Yes, that's my car outside with a Republican bumper sticker. Why do you ask?"

Source: http://michellemalkin.com/2011/06/27/obamacares-mystery-shoppers/

Frank Guinta Frank Pallone Jr Frank R. Lautenberg Frank R. Wolf

Wednesday, 29 June 2011

National Strategy for Counterterrorism

Here is President Obama’s National Strategy for Counterterrorism, which was presented today by John Brennan, Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism in a speech at SAIS named “Ensuring al-Qa’ida’s Demise”. The strategy articulates the United States’ broad, sustained and integrated campaign against al-Qa’ida, its affiliates and its adherents, consistent with the President’s enduring commitment to protect the American people.


Learn more from the fact sheet here.

Source: http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2011/06/29/national-strategy-counterterrorism

Henry Cuellar Herb Kohl Howard Coble Howard L. Berman

Sebelius pushes WellPoint probe -- 'Repeal and replace' messaging dilemma -- Health care in California campaigns -- Missouri, Louisiana, Oklahoma Legislatures weigh anti-reform bills

BREAKING – Avery Johnson reports in the WSJ: “The Obama administration's top health official is urging state regulators and lawmakers to investigate whether WellPoint Inc. made mathematical errors in justifying sharp rate increases around the country. In a letter being sent to state insurance commissioners and governors late Tuesday, Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius calls for a national inquiry into the data underpinning rising health-insurance costs. Ms. Sebelius is seizing on WellPoint's decision last week to withdraw a request for up to a 39% price increases on individual plans in California after an actuary hired by the state found several mistakes in the filing. ‘In light of this recent finding, I urge that, to the extent you have authority to do so, you re-examine any WellPoint rate increases in your state,’ Ms. Sebelius wrote. ‘Even small errors can mean unaffordable premiums for policyholders.’”

Health insurance companies and the government will, at some point, have to work together as public partners to successfully and smoothly implement health care reform, particularly in enrolling millions more in plans by 2014. At some point, but apparently not yet. The Department of Health and Human Services remains engaged in what Secretary Katherine Sebelius has previously characterized as "hand-to-hand combat” with insurance companies, aggressively pursuing the industry with WellPoint often playing the foil. HHS is also fresh out of a battle over rescissions (HHS scolded insurers into dropping the practice late last week.)

It’s Wednesday. “Round here, Pulse’s always on my mind.”

THE GOP’S MESSAGING DILEMMA — Maybe that GOP slogan, “repeal and replace” wasn’t such a good idea after all, or won’t be once past the primaries. A new survey and analysis by Resurgent Republic, founded by the GOP’s Ed Gillespie, finds that “repeal and replace” does not resonate with independent voters.

Here’s the story by POLITICO’s Ken Vogel: “Republican voters want Congress to repeal the healthcare overhaul, aren’t convinced that climate change is happening, and don’t think illegal immigrants should have a way to become citizens or that President Barack Obama has improved the United States’ global standing – all stances that put them at odds with the majority of voters, according to a new survey by Resurgent Republic.

“…The Resurgent Republic poll of 1,000 likely voters found that only 35 percent of respondents agreed with the approach of the GOP members of Congress who sounded the call to ‘repeal and replace’ the health care reform legislation passed in March. Among respondents who identified themselves as Republicans, however, support for a repeal-and-replace strategy was 67 percent, compared to 36 percent among independent respondents. Slightly more popular overall and with independents was an ‘amend and modify’ approach to the overhaul, which 37 percent of respondents supported, including 43 percent of independents.”

QUESTION: If Gillespie’s analysis is correct, what will independent voters make of the movement of Republicans in some states to “nullify” the health care law entirely through state legislative action, a strategy that may keep Republican opposition in the news but, in light of the constitution’s Supremacy Clause, is at best extra-constitutional? For more on this, see items below on Missouri and Louisiana. 

POLITICS:

CALIFORNIA: While we’re on the subject of GOP messaging, Seema Mehta reports in the LA Times: “Healthcare is a headache for GOP candidates in California. To win the Republican primary, the three Senate hopefuls must bash the plan signed by Obama. Against Boxer in the fall, the nominee will have to adopt a more moderate stance … The issue is a stark reminder of the difficulties facing Republican candidates in this highly partisan state, even in a year when the political winds are at their backs. The primary voters Republicans are courting are a conservative lot who fiercely oppose the new law. But in November, the winner of the June primary will have to sway voters who by and large support the plan, and who continue to hold Obama, its architect, in high regard. Former Rep. Tom Campbell, Assemblyman Chuck DeVore and former Hewlett-Packard chief Carly Fiorina differ in their approaches to fixing healthcare, but all have said the measure is unconstitutional and must be repealed. … Although the three candidates agree on repeal, they offer different alternatives to reform the system.”

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Source: http://feeds.politico.com/click.phdo?i=fd1f4c9f14cf03e3af57103d3c92798c

Bob Corker Bob Filner Bob Gibbs Bob Goodlatte

Dangerous Disaffection

It is tempting to dismiss the Republicans’ recent loss in New York’s 26th congressional district. A “tea-party” candidate siphoned off conservative votes, and the Republican did not respond to the Democrat’s Medicare ads until they had already sealed her fate. 

Doing so would be a mistake: Republican Jane Corwin’s defeat in New York is to Republicans what the election of Scott Brown in Massachusetts was to Democrats: a warning of impending disaster if the party maintains its course. Democrats in 2010 refused to see this, blaming their loss on poor turnout and a bad candidate. Republicans cannot make the same mistake. And that means the GOP must enroll in a class on the hopes and dreams — and fears and insecurities — of blue-collar white voters.

Political analysts on both sides of the aisle overlook blue-collar whites. But they are a large share of the electorate, about 40 percent. When they coalesce around one party, their preferences shape the election. That’s what happened in 2010. A record 63 percent of blue-collar whites voted Republican in House races in 2010, up from 54 percent in 2008. 

But it isn’t 2010 anymore. NY-26 is a solidly Republican district, and was carried handily by both John McCain and George W. Bush. Corwin’s performance, in comparison, was worst in the working-class areas of the district. But blue-collar voters did not turn out for Democrat Kathy Hochul; instead, they backed faux tea partier Jack Davis, who spent millions of dollars on ads attacking the Republicans for supporting free trade.

It’s not just New York. Blue-collar whites abandoned the GOP or GOP-backed candidate in two recent Wisconsin elections, without third-party spoilers. Blue-collar areas that swung heavily toward Republican Scott Walker in 2010 swung heavily in favor of Democratic or Democratic-backed candidates in the April supreme-court election. This poses a great challenge for Republicans. Non-whites’ increased share of the electorate has left the GOP heavily dependent on substantial majorities among blue-collar whites for even a shot at victory. To win, Republicans have to learn what makes Joe Six-Pack tick.

Some of the answers can be found in a recent Pew poll in which researchers divided voters into eight typologies, each sharing an underlying belief pattern. One of these groups, dubbed the “Disaffecteds,” was 77 percent white and 89 percent without a college degree. Since nearly two-thirds of them are political independents, this group is a distilled example of the blue-collar white swing vote. 

Disaffecteds share base Republicans’ dislike of Obama and negative views about the country’s direction. Obama’s job-approval rating among them is only 28 percent, and only 22 percent say they would reelect him. They view the Republican party favorably and the Democratic party unfavorably by wide margins. Only 14 percent are content with the federal government, and only 19 percent trust the government to do what is right always or most of the time. These assessments suggest that blue-collar whites are clearly opposed to today’s Left.

But being against the Left does not mean that one is for the Right. Comparing Disaffecteds with Staunch Conservatives, the Pew designation for the Republican base, reveals striking differences on fiscal and budgetary issues. Disaffecteds are much more likely to prefer a bigger government with more services and are significantly less likely to cite the deficit as either a top priority or the biggest economic worry. 

Their solution to balancing the deficit is also at odds with that of the Staunch Conservatives. Fifty-nine percent of Staunch Conservatives want to focus on cutting major programs to reduce the deficit; only 17 percent of Disaffecteds do. Only 34 percent of Staunch Conservatives want a combination of tax hikes and spending cuts, compared with 65 percent of Disaffecteds. Most crucially, only 15 percent of Disaffecteds want to cut Social Security or Medicare to reduce the budget deficit, the smallest percentage for any of the Pew typologies — and 11 points lower than Solid Liberals. Given these results, it’s not surprising that blue-collar whites deserted Jane Corwin in droves.

It’s also no surprise that Davis did so well with the trade issue. Disaffecteds were the group most strongly against free trade, saying by a 57–29 margin that free-trade agreements are bad for America. Disaffecteds also have a much more favorable view of labor unions than do Staunch Conservatives, partially explaining the Wisconsin results.

Republicans who argue that these voters are natural tea partiers are mistaken. The Pew poll finds that while 72 percent of Staunch Conservatives support the Tea Party, only 19 percent of Disaffecteds do. Sixty-seven percent of them have no opinion at all about the Tea Party, the highest of any Pew group.

Those who want to shift focus to foreign affairs, social issues, or Obamacare also find little support in the poll. By wide margins, Disaffecteds join hardline Democrats in believing that the United States should focus more on domestic problems than on taking a leading role in world affairs (73 percent agree with this statement) and believe Obama won’t remove troops from Afghanistan quickly enough (44 percent). They have mixed opinions on gay marriage and abortion, and only 33 percent say Obamacare has had a mostly bad effect on health care.

It’s said that where you stand depends on where you sit, and that is certainly true of blue-collar whites. Their chair in the American social and economic hierarchy is low and wobbly. A majority of Disaffecteds earn less than $30,000 a year, while 44 percent are parents. The recession has hit these people hard; 63 percent say it had a major impact from which they have not yet recovered, and 71 percent had a household member unemployed in the last year. All four sets of responses are the highest among any of the Pew groups. 

The Pew poll suggests that Republicans, in the short term, should concentrate their fire on jobs and the economy. Blue-collar whites agree with Republicans on low taxes and opposition to liberalism, and they already hold Obama and Democrats in low esteem. The president and his party will largely be held responsible for the prevailing economic conditions in 2012: Why not simply focus on the attack and worry about the policy aftermath later?

The trouble with this approach is that it has been tried before and has failed. The 2010 contest was the fourth GOP wave election in the last 60 years. In each case, the voters who swung to the GOP were blue-collar whites; in each case, attempts to roll back the welfare state quickly eroded GOP support. GOP establishmentarians who focused only on short-term wins also found that blue-collar loyalties quickly faded away.

If conservatives want to break this cycle and finally reverse the seemingly perpetual growth of government, they must understand how blue-collar voters are different from them. Research shows that blue-collar whites take the political positions they do because of their self-perception. They know they are less skilled than others; this makes them friendlier to protection from competition, whether the competition comes from trade abroad or immigrant workers at home. They depend more on public services to provide public order (which is why they support police so much) and economic stability (which is what middle-class entitlements support). Above all, they are risk-averse and proud. They fear the future as much as or more than they welcome it; one misstep and their whole world can collapse. This means they are wary of sudden change, whether it comes from the left or the right. And their dignity and pride mean they resist attempts to tell them what to do or treat them like pawns in someone else’s game, whether those attempts come from big business, big government, or big anything.

Republicans can begin to garner consistent loyalty from blue-collar whites only if they demonstrate genuine sympathy with them. Republicans cannot reform entitlements if they are seen as motivated by money or as imposing their abstract vision on hard-pressed Americans’ reality. Blue-collar whites need Medicare in their retirement; the Medicare-reform effort must be presented as what it truly is, the way to guarantee that those who need it will have it when they need it. 

Republicans must also compare their plan with the president’s non-plan. By failing present any means of saving the program, the president’s budget guarantees that Medicare as we know it cannot continue without crushing tax hikes on the middle class. In short, today it’s the Republicans who can best fulfill Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s vision of a thriving, self-reliant, and economically secure middle class.

Ronald Reagan understood all of this decades ago. Even after the Goldwater debacle of 1964, he knew that Americans had voted against Goldwater because he had been cast as a radical. Reagan told the readers of National Review that “human nature resists change and goes over backward to avoid radical change,” and advised: “Time now for the soft sell to prove that our radicalism was an optical illusion.” He spent his entire political career showing how American conservative principles were not scary, but rather the simple, proven ideas that make Americans unique.

Reagan’s rhetoric always made the typical American feel valued and special. It did not emphasize the great entrepreneurs and captains of industry, although Reagan understood how setting them free would benefit America. Instead, he focused in speech after speech on ordinary people who did extraordinary things — the “boys of Pointe-du-Hoc,” the Lenny Skutnicks. It’s a rhetorical approach built on genuine sympathy for the average person.

His vision of a new Republican party included the educated and the uneducated, the working class as well as the upper class. He explained how working-class Democrats and independents could make common cause with traditional Republican supporters to forge a new majority founded on conservative principles, a strategy that carried him to a landslide.

That majority can be reconstructed. Blue-collar whites believe the president and the Democrats do not have their best interests at heart. They want to make common cause with conservatives to save our country. They just need to know that they will be safe on the Republican ship if they come aboard. 

— Henry Olsen is a vice president at the American Enterprise Institute and the director of its National Research Initiative. 
This article originally appeared in the June 6, 2011, issue of National Review.

Source: http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/270565/dangerous-disaffection-henry-olsen

Frank R. Lautenberg Frank R. Wolf Fred Upton Frederica S. Wilson

Tuesday, 28 June 2011

Closing the Tech Gap

What if senior management in an Agency – or anyone in the public – could identify and monitor the performance of IT projects just as easily as they could monitor the stock market or baseball scores?  That’s what the IT dashboard does  -- and it’s changing the way government does business.

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Source: http://feeds.whitehouse.gov/~r/whitehouse/open/~3/Z3x8DNdbKEY/closing-tech-gap

Adam Kinzinger Adam Schiff Adam Smith Adrian Smith

Pelosi demands she, House Dems be included in debt limit�talks

Nancy Pelosi
Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi | Larry Downing, Reuters

One team has been left out of the budget and debt ceiling negotiations so far, House Democrats. Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi is demanding that change.
House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) will demand a seat in the table for the final talks on the national debt limit, putting a strong liberal voice in the room.

Pelosi and House Democrats were left out of the negotiations between President Obama and Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) last year that extended nearly all of the Bush tax rates though 2012....

Pelosi stayed out of the talks on crafting a continuing resolution funding the rest of 2011 that included $38.5 billion in spending cuts because House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) and Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.) expressed confidence they would pass it without Democratic help.

But, in the end of that debate, the Republican votes fell short, and GOP leaders needed help from House Democrats. Democrats went along with a deal they had almost no part in negotiating because they wanted to avert a government shutdown.

The experience left a bitter taste in their mouths, and Pelosi won?t let it happen again....

Their suspicions about a brewing debt-limit deal were raised last month when Vice President Biden said cuts to Medicare were on the table. Meanwhile, the GOP negotiators, Senate Republican Whip Jon Kyl (Ariz.) and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (Va.) insisted tax increases were off the table.

Sen. Max Baucus reiterated last week that Medicare cuts are included in the negotiations, and hinted that additional Medicare cuts could be traded for revenue concessions from Republicans. Which means having Pelosi at the table is even more important for holding the line on Medicare. David Dayen, in a good take on this story, explains why: "If the Democrats can win the 24 seats needed to retake the House, Medicare would be the victory slogan. That's why it's so important to her that Medicare not be used as a bargaining chip in the debt limit talks."


Source: http://feeds.dailykos.com/~r/dailykos/index/~3/sazt3FPzJ-Q/-Pelosi-demands-she,-House-Dems-be-included-in-debt-limit talks

Ann Marie Buerkle Anna Eshoo Anthony D. Weiner Arizona